Lincoln and the Present World Crisis

Among the earliest memories of my childhood is that of a household strangely disturbed and saddened. From excited and yet hushed voices, through expressions of horror and of grief, I heard the cruel story of the assassination of Lincoln. I have still in mind the confused but indelible picture of the family group of my old home gathered together upon its threshold in the early morning, as my grandfather and uncle left us to take the train to Springfield, to attend the funeral of the martyred President. In the clearer memories of my later boyhood days, I distinctly recall how constantly and vividly Lincoln was held before my mind, as the great hero of American young manhood. I was reared in the Lincoln cult and in paying homage tonight to his memory, I am also discharging the debt of gratitude which I owe to those who taught me to love and revere his name. 

            The governing ideas of our life, those ideas which control conduct and mould character, are not made intelligible to us through the forms of definition. As abstract conceptions they are vague and dim in our minds; they become real to us only as they are illustrated and become incarnate in some vital personality. The three great ideas of liberty, justice, and mercy which are the foundation principles of the law of life, find supreme illustration in the character of Abraham Lincoln. These ideas become clear to our thought and are a command to our will in so far as we are able with understanding sense to divine the nature of that spirit which animated his words and deeds. It is true, as Lincoln himself expressed it in Baltimore, on April 18^th, 1864, that “the world has never had a good definition of the word liberty, and the American people just now are much in want of one. We all declare for liberty, but in using the same word we do not all mean the same. With some the word liberty may mean for each man to do as he pleases with himself and the product of his labor, while with others, the same word may mean for some men to do as they please with other men, and the product of the other men’s labor.”

            Where definitions fail we seek a symbol to express the thought which lies too deep for words. No symbol of liberty, however, satisfies our needs. The statue of liberty enlightening the world arouses deep feelings of sentiment, but does not suggest its significant meaning, nor indicate the mode in which the spirit of liberty may manifest itself in the world of human affairs. The name of Lincoln, however, the supreme lover of liberty, is for every American the perfect symbol of liberty itself, and his character, its true commentary.

            No symbolic figure with veiled eyes, holding the balanced scales of justice, can given any adequate expression to the real significance of that word. Here again we crave something more than a symbol. We turn rather to the open eyes and the penetrating vision of one who beneath the surface differences of race and color saw the fundamental equality in human kind which is the basis of justice between man and man the world over. With Lincoln moreover liberty and justice were not unrelated terms; for it was the cardinal doctrine of his political creed that justice was the sole ground and guarantee of liberty. While Lincoln was always fundamentally just in thought and action, and could be at times even sternly just, yet in in his nature there was a conspicuous strain of the “mercy that seasons justice.” After the One who, in human form upon our earth, always had compassion upon the multitude, Lincoln stands out in all history as the incomparable example of power disposed to mercy.

            The idea of mercy became flesh in his noble personality, in which was revealed throughout the cruel years of our civil war the great heart ever beating in tenderness and compassion for the strong and the weak, for friend and foe alike. His characteristic acts of mercy were due to no weakness of character, but because he realized the infinite capacity of human nature for suffering. 

He Belongs to the Ages

Because these ideas which we most admire and to which we most ardently aspire find complete realization in him, Lincoln has come naturally to be regarded by us all as preeminently our national hero. Lincoln, however, is not merely the hero of every true American. His influence reaches beyond our shores and beyond his time; as Stanton prophesied at his death, — “He now belongs to the ages.” He has become indeed the type, the symbol and the incarnation to other peoples the world over, of that which they prize above even life itself. This is illustrated in the striking attitude towards Lincoln of France and Great Britain today. Yearning for some ideal to steady and inspire them, some great memory, some vision of a spirit standing within the shadow of this terrible war, they find their longing realized in the noble nature and oracular words of Lincoln. As an editorial in the Spectator of December 23^rd, 1916, puts it:

“The English speaking man whenever he is greatly moved to great issues turns instinctively to Lincoln. And Lincoln never fails him. There was not only the brave heart but the mens aequa in arduis — the mind which kept its equal balance though the poles crashed around him and the globe rocked in earthquake and eclipse.”

            In a letter which I received from one who was in Great Britain during the first months of the war, it is stated that after the first shock of the war the most serious minded of the English again and again gave expression to their thought in the words, — “We need a Lincoln.” “Times like these call for an Abraham Lincoln.” “In this present situation what would Lincoln have done?” In Scotland during the first month of the war Dr. McGregor in St. Andrews Church in Edinburg in three successive sermons quoted from Lincoln’s Gettysburg address and his second Inaugural, and entreated his hearers “to practice in this day the patience, the charity, the gentle humanity of the great American who led his country through troublous times to victory.”

            In a review of Francis Fisher Browne’s work on Abraham Lincoln in the Spectator, July 18^th, 1914, Lincoln is referred to as “the greatest product of the Anglo-Saxon race in the last century.” Lincoln’s career is characterized in this review also as “having the splendor of some great monument of nature.”

            In the public addresses at the great mass meetings in England and in Scotland, in sermons in the various churches, in war posters, in article after article, Lincoln was held up as the model for British statesmanship and as the great leader of the people. In the most recent Biography of Lincoln just published by Lord Charnwood, we find these words in the preface, — “It is a time when we may learn much from Lincoln’s failures and success, from his patience, his modesty, his serene optimism and his eloquence, so simple and so magnificent.”

            Many writers have drawn attention to the interesting fact of Lincoln’s remarkable popularity through all the years since his death with the British working classes, inasmuch as they recognize in him one who believed most thoroughly in the “possible dignity of common men and common things.” It is a most significant fact that the people of Great Britain in the time of greatest national peril have turned instinctively to Lincoln for inspiration, and the reason of this, I take it, is because they find in him the embodiment of those principles which in their minds form the justification of all their endeavor. Not only do they look to him in a general way for inspiration, but they have repeatedly referred to his words in order to mould public opinion and to justify governmental action. It is to the words of Lincoln that they have turned in order to stimulate the spirit of volunteer service. His message also on the draft laws which was written for Congress, but never made public, has been quoted extensively in public print, in parliamentary and other speeches. The references to Lincoln on the subject of conscription are used not merely as the opinion of a witness in the case, but are stated confidently as being the conclusion of the whole matter. As one of the papers in Great Britain has put it, — “What was good enough for Lincoln is good enough for us.” In an article in the Spectator of September 26^th, 1914, on “President Lincoln and Compulsory Service,” the writer says: — “Lincoln’s views on the subject of conscription are so clear, so just and so well thought out that they are worth remembering at the present crisis.”

            There perhaps has never been such eager expectancy throughout the world concerning the speech of any man as that which waited the utterances of Lloyd George in reply to Germany’s peace overtures, and when he arose in Parliament to speak for the government and for the British people and indirectly for their allies, eh centered the whole burden of his declaration in the quoted words of Lincoln, — “We accepted this war for an object, a worthy object, and the war will end when that object is attained. Under God I hope it will not end until that time.”

Lincoln and France

What can be said of Great Britain can be said even more forcibly of France. The French people have always loved Lincoln and they claim him as one of their own heroes. His great personality has taken possession of the imagination of the French hero who is more highly revered among the common people of France than Abraham Lincoln. You will remember that at the time of Lincoln’s death expressions of condolence and sympathy came to the United States from thirty-one French cities; and from a mass meeting of students in France came this message, — “In President Lincoln we mourn a fellow citizen; for no country is now inaccessible, and we consider as ours that country where there are neither masters nor slaves, where every man is free or is fighting to become free.

            “We are the fellow citizens of John Brown, of Abraham Lincoln, and of Mr. Seward. We young people, to whom the future belongs, must have the courage to found a true democracy, and we will have to look beyond the ocean to learn how a people who have made themselves free can preserve their freedom…

            “The President of the great republic is dead, but the republic itself shall live forever.”

            At this time a commemorative medal in gold was presented to Mrs. Lincoln by the people of France, and in order to allow the poorer classes to take part in this gift the maximum amount for each subscription was limited to two cents. When the medal was struck it was presented by Eugen Pelletan to Mr. Bigelow, our representative in France, with these words, — Tell Mrs. Lincoln that in this little box is the heart of France.”

            From that time to the present, Lincoln has always represented to the minds of France the ideas of a free republic, of the integrity of the national life, the obligation of the individual to obey the call of the nation and the obligation of a nation to protect the helpless and the oppressed. Since the outbreak of the war the most significant reference to Lincoln and to his relation to France occurred upon the occasion of a mass meeting of the citizens of Paris held in the large amphitheater of the Sorbonne on the 24^th of November last to commemorate “the magnificent generosity of the citizens of the United States which has manifested itself in their splendid gift to alleviate the suffering of the wounded and helpless in France, since the outbreak of the war.” Emile Boutroux, the eminent philosopher and a member of the Academy who presided at this meeting, quoted Lincoln’s Gettysburg address in the course of his remarks and added: — “And what remains for us, the people of France, to do in our day is to take up the great task which Lincoln described int his address at Gettysburg, a task for us unfortunately of far vaster proportions. Contrary to those who maintain that democracy is a form of government which can rest only upon the continuation of peace and which is incapable of defending itself against an organized enemy in the face of war, let us demonstrate upon the field of battle that one is able to believe in reason and in liberty without sacrificing on that account the sterner qualities which are necessary in the eternal struggle for existence and that moral vigor does not exclude, but on the contrary ennobles and infinitely enhances military valor.” 

            Are we to conclude from this appeal of the nations at war to Lincoln’s words and Lincoln’s spirit that he is the support solely of those who, in the agony of a terrific death struggle, invoke his steadfast fidelity and unswerving resolution; and that his example and inspiration are to be sought only in times of adversity? On the contrary, I believe that Lincoln’s philosophy of life applies to the days of prosperity as well, and that his philosophy of loyalty is as imperatively binding upon us who rejoice in the blessings of peace as upon those who are giving their all in the sacrifices of war. Shall the nations of Europe instinctively turn to him in trouble while we, his own people, forget him and his teachings, because indeed all goes well with us?

            Since his death we have been happily free from the disaster of war. We have grown big and rich and prosperous while the whole world has been made tributary to our comfort and well-being. The very impoverishment of the warring nations abroad has been the occasion for the amassing of fabulous fortunes, and the alarming increase of luxury and luxurious living throughout our land. It can only be a matter of conjecture as to how Lincoln might have led his people through a period of prosperity, because he was never put actually to this test. From the poverty of his youth to the tragedy of his death there was for him one long, protracted struggle against heavy odds, while the sole gleam of light to guide him was that which shone from his own unconquerable hope and faith. I am convinced, however, that were he to return to this marvelous life of ours today, his unerring insight would discover the dangers to which we as a people are exposed by reason of that very prosperity which we are wont to regard as an unquestionable blessing. 

Lincoln’s Counsel to This Generation

We must meet this test in the same spirit that Lincoln met the test of adversity, for whatever it is in a man’s nature which makes him self-reliant in trouble should also lead him to be self-governed in the time of plenty. It is not hazardous therefore to conjecture what Lincoln’s counsel would be to this present generation of American people. In his Thanksgiving Proclamation of October 20^th, 1864, Lincoln recounts as the supreme blessing of his people that “God has been pleased to animate and inspire our minds and hearts with fortitude, courage and resolution sufficient for the great trial of civil war into which we have been bought by our adherence as a nation to the cause of freedom and humanity.” Those spiritual qualities which Lincoln emphasized as necessary to meet the stress and strain of war, he would doubtless urge upon our consideration today as being the qualities of manly vigor which alone can prepare the spirit of a people to withstand the subtle temptation of an overwhelming prosperity. There are perils of peace as well as those of war, and we find ourselves confronted by the grave danger at the present time that our American people may become “prisoners in their own treasure house.”

            There is no right thinking man who does not ardently desire the continuance of peace in our land, but on the other hand no people should allow themselves to be placed under the bondage of fear, — so that they shrink from proceeding, “with firmness in the right as God gives them to see the right,” because of the fear that they may put in jeopardy the peace and well-being of the nation’s life. 

            The extreme pacifist of today may profit by the words of Lincoln in his letter to a member of the Society of Friends, of Burlington, N. J., who headed a peace movement at the most critical period of the civil war. This letter was recently published in the London Spectator of March 4^th, 1916, and as far as I know this is the first time that it has appeared in print. In part it is as follows: 

            “The purposes of the Almighty are perfect and must prevail though we erring mortals may fail to accurately perceive them in advance. We hoped for a happy termination of this terrible war long before this; but God knows best and has ruled otherwise. We shall yet acknowledge His wisdom and our own error therein. Meanwhile we must work earnestly in the best light He gave us, trusting that so working still conduces to the great end He ordains. Surely He intends some great good to follow this mighty convulsion which no mortal could make and no mortal could stay. Your people, the Friends, have had and are having a very great trial. On principle and faith opposed to both war and oppression, they can only practically oppose oppression by war.”

            It is certain that Lincoln would have chosen peace rather than war if there had been the possibility of such a choice. I do not suppose that there was ever a person to whom the horrors of war have caused such acute vicarious suffering. Nevertheless he refused to entertain the suggestion of any compromise in order to bring about a speedy ending of the war, but persistently and patiently strove for that victory which should vindicate the justice of the cause to which he had pledged his support and that of his people.

            The idea which Lincoln placed above peace, above prosperity, above all material well-being was the idea of the undivided Union. In his opinion no sacrifice was too great in order to secure the integrity of the nation’s life and spirit. Today we are confronted by the same problem, although in a different form. Lincoln fought and overcame the forces which were determined upon a sectional division, — the North and the South. No such danger presents itself now. We fear no conflict between North and South, nor East and West. There is a real danger, however, that in the bewildering complexity of our modern life small groups of self-centered interests may become so sufficient unto themselves that they will lose all concern for the common welfare. With men of many races and many tongues, can we stimulate and maintain the unity of national spirit? Can we transform newly made citizens, ignorant of our institutions and traditions, into loyal patriots? These are the problems of our day and generation, and they have become more acute because of the sharp contrast which we cannot fail to recognize between the people of the United States and the nations abroad. Each one of these nations has been fused by the fire of war into one people, but with us there is no force operative today to bring and hold us together as a united nation. Our whole tendency is towards the development of an exaggerated individualism which we must endeavor by every means of education and example to overcome. If our youth, whether native born or newly arrived as emigrants at our gates, can be schooled in the first, principles of Americanism and can be brought to a realization that the citizen owes an obligation to the state in times of peace as well as in the peril of war, this would constitute the first lesson in patriotism.

            To this end the plan of universal military service now so generally under discussion will be of significant aid. It is not merely that such a measure naturally provides an adequate national defense; more than that, it tends in a larger measure to preserve the spirit of our national unity. It is only by bringing together the heterogenous elements of our country in some universal, democratic training, many of whom are foreign born, some of whom have only half-hearted allegiance to our national ideas, that they can be made to realize the compelling power of a common obligation and a common cause. We need the baptism of Lincoln’s spirit which is illustrated in his message upon the Draft Laws, wherein he directly addresses those who challenge the right of a government to compel its citizens to give themselves for military service:

            “The toil and blood of at least a million of your manly brethren have been given as much for you as for themselves. Shall it all be lost rather than that you, too, will bear your part? Shall we shrink from the necessary means to maintain our free government, which our grandfathers employed to establish it and our own fathers have already employed once to maintain it? Are we degenerate? Has the manhood of our race run out?

            This is Lincoln’s challenge to the men of his own day. These same searching questions, we may well put to ourselves. “Are we degenerate? Has the manhood of our race run out?”

            Therefore, as we look into the future, veiled and unknown, let us upon this occasions, sacred to the memory of him who lived and died in the faith that the cause of the Union could and must be preserved, and that the common burden should be borne not by a few but by all, let us dedicate ourselves anew to the task of “maintaining in the world that form and substance of the government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men — to life artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a fair chance in the race of life.”

Since the completion of this address, we have come through the sudden turn of events into a position where as a nation it has been necessary to terminate diplomatic relations with the German government. At last we are in the open, and the way before us is clear. As though by a magic impulse, our people, north, south, east and west, have declared their undivided allegiance to their country’s cause. Not only the sons of those who fought in the Revolution and the Civil War, but our foreign-born citizens as well have given unqualified expression to their spirit of loyalty. Most gratifying has been the assurance from those of German blood that in the day of our need they will not be found wanting. From most unexpected quarters there has been a splendid revelation of spontaneous patriotism. It is evident that the spirit of Lincoln still moves mightily amongst us; therefore, it is possible to believe that we can prove to the world that we are indeed one people, united by the bonds of a common cause. Let us steadfastly hold our course as the logic of events and the traditions of our fathers may direct us. However arduous the task however overwhelming the sacrifice, “let us have faith that right makes might and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand it.”

This was originally published in the February 21, 1917 issue of PAW.