Scholars Warn That Without Moratoriums, U.S. Could Face Torrent of Evictions

The Princeton-based Eviction Lab is tracking the nation’s rental-housing crisis

The mother of a family of five stands among their possessions on the front lawn after they were evicted from their Centennial, Colorado, home in 2011.

John Moore/Getty Images

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By Deborah Yaffe

Published Oct. 23, 2020

5 min read

On the screen, the numbers spin inexorably upward: red digits representing tens of thousands of American families in danger of losing their homes in a time of pandemic and recession. 

The scrolling counter on the website of the Eviction Lab, a University-based research team, tracks eviction cases filed in 17 American cities since March. The number, updated weekly, forms part of the lab’s latest effort to collect, analyze, and disseminate data about the nation’s rental-housing crisis, a longstanding catastrophe whose precise contours nevertheless can seem elusive.

“We live in a Google age, where we can think, ‘What’s the distance to the moon?’ and we can know that immediately,” says Princeton sociology professor Matthew Desmond, who launched the lab’s website in 2018. “But when you’re asking how many people in Tucson got evicted last week, that’s not data that we have readily available.”

The federal government doesn’t collect information about evictions, and state- and county-level data can be patchy, expensive to access, or unavailable to the general public. The information the Eviction Lab posts online — eviction numbers and rates for nearly every state, stretching back to 2000 — is largely harvested from commercial databases and typically lags at least two years behind. 

But last spring, as pandemic lockdowns began threatening the financial viability of low-income households, lab postdoctoral fellow Peter Hepburn argued that the unprecedented situation demanded a nimbler turnaround. “We didn’t want to wait until 2022 or 2023 to understand what was happening now,” says Hepburn, currently an assistant professor of sociology at Rutgers-Newark.

“We wanted to give Americans a clear understanding of their rights ... .” — Matthew Desmond, the Maurice P. During Professor of Sociology

Photo: Lillian Leung

The resulting Eviction Tracking System, based on data scraped from the websites of court systems or collected by academic researchers and community organizations, maps the impact of pandemic-driven housing policies from Boston to Phoenix. The data show how the partial eviction moratorium enshrined in last spring’s federal CARES Act helped hold down eviction filings — and how, once the moratorium expired over the summer, those filings rose rapidly, except in communities with robust local eviction bans. In Pittsburgh, for example, eviction filings jumped from 23 the week before state and federal moratoriums lapsed to 276 the week after. Meanwhile, those same two weeks saw a total of only 25 filings in Austin, Texas, where a local moratorium remained in place.

Like everything the lab does, the tracking system aims to provide researchers, policymakers, and citizens with the raw materials needed to understand — and, ultimately, to mitigate — the nation’s affordable-housing crisis.

“The Eviction Lab’s work is unparalleled and groundbreaking,” says Wake Forest University law professor Emily Benfer, an Eviction Lab collaborator. “If Eviction Lab wasn’t collecting this data, we wouldn’t even know that there was an eviction crisis in our country.”

Most recently, the Eviction Tracking System data have suggested that an unprecedented new national eviction moratorium, announced by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in September and scheduled to last through Dec. 31, has not had as strong and uniform an impact as expected. 

Although eviction filings across the tracked cities dropped sharply right after the announcement of the moratorium, falling from nearly 3,200 the week before the announcement to more than 1,600 the week after, filings in the last full week of September had partially rebounded, rising to more than 2,300. “We appear to be moving back in the wrong direction,” Hepburn says. “If the effect of this policy is much more limited than ... intended, that’s crucial information that we need to have and that policymakers need to have.”

Policymakers are also among the intended audience for another recent Eviction Lab initiative: the Policy Scorecard, directed by Benfer and compiled by a team of volunteer law students, which measures each state’s COVID-19 housing policies against a set of best practices and then grades the results on a five-star scale. (Massachusetts and Washington, D.C., with four-star ratings, currently lead the pack; New Jersey’s two-star rating ranks it above 41 other states.)

“We wanted to know how good the protections are,” says Desmond, whose Pulitzer Prize-winning 2016 book, Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City, chronicles the lives of low-income tenants in Milwaukee. “And we wanted to give Americans a clear understanding of their rights, in a way that you don’t have to have a Ph.D. from MIT to understand.” 

Even in ordinary times, stable housing is a crucial prerequisite for well-being, researchers note. “Without housing, nothing else is possible,” Benfer says. “Eviction is tied to so many barriers to opportunity, as well as to severe negative health outcomes that are long-lasting and that start the cycle of economic and housing hardship for families.”

But as the CDC noted in announcing its eviction moratorium, housing stability is especially crucial during a pandemic. Unable to shelter at home, evicted families may double up in relatives’ apartments, couch-surf from place to place, or end up in crowded homeless shelters. Each step along the way increases the danger of catching and transmitting the virus.

Before the pandemic, Desmond was already drawing on the lab’s work in his policy advocacy, testifying before Congress in support of bills to increase the number of housing vouchers and launch a federal effort to collect eviction data. The lab’s findings, which make clear that low-income renters face burdensome housing costs even in heartland cities not known for their high cost of living, also spurred state and city efforts to understand and combat evictions.

In the months since the pandemic raised the stakes, however, the Eviction Lab has redoubled its efforts to spread the word. In June, a segment on John Oliver’s television show Last Week Tonight quoted Desmond and cited statistics compiled by the lab. Buried in the footnotes of the CDC’s moratorium announcement were further mentions of Eviction Lab findings.

Lab researchers are unsure whether the new attention to evictions heralds a new approach to housing policy, or whether the country will return to business as usual once the pandemic passes. The CDC moratorium has “shown us that the state can do this,” says Renee Louis ’19, an Eviction Lab research specialist. “Now there is a precedent for the federal government to intervene.”

But the near future will bring a further reckoning, Desmond notes. Imperfect though it may be, the CDC’s eviction moratorium is “a big deal,” he says. “That’s going to save lives, and it’s going to release a lot of people from the deep stress of trying to figure out where rent’s going to come from. The big, living question from a renter’s point of view is what’s going to happen in January.”

2 Responses

Donald W. Burnes ’63

3 Years Ago

I read with great interest the story about the Eviction Lab and Matthew Desmond’s work on the possible consequences of the pandemic for families that are living on the margin (On the Campus, November issue). Given my own research on homelessness, there can be no question at all about the impact of the end of the eviction moratorium on both the numbers of evictions and the resulting increase in homelessness across the country. One researcher has indicated the possibility of a 40 to 50 percent increase in homelessness come January if the moratorium is lifted.

I wanted to add a bit more to this narrative. According to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities in their mid-October COVID Watch Update, there are 7 million to 11 million children who now live in a household where the children did not get enough to eat because the household couldn’t afford it. To make matters worse, Black children were almost three times as likely to live in such households as white children, thus reinforcing the discrimination that continues to exist in this country. In addition, some 11 million adult renters were not caught up on September rents; again, this was true of a disproportionate number of Black and Latino renters. Finally, some 77 million adults, one in every three in the country, reported difficulty in covering usual expenses in the past seven days. 

In short, the pandemic has wreaked even greater havoc on poor families than existed before the virus landed on our shores. We must take steps to counteract this tragedy

Douglas Rubin ’81

3 Years Ago

Do scholars ever actually interview landlords who pay property taxes and for local licenses, maintenance, and repair, not to mention the cost of capital (mortgages) so that they can own a decent property and make it available to tenants? Nowhere in the Eviction Lab’s one-sided analysis is a prediction of what will happen to property owners, and the taxes they pay to local governments, if tenants stop paying rent.

I know many small-time landlords who rehab and offer modest, livable homes to tenants by spending $50,000–$70,000 of their own (and a lender’s) money per housing unit. Renting these properties out at a market rate can lead to modest profit over the cost of capital if everything goes well. This kind of investment has turned many blocks of otherwise blighted Trenton into sustainable, affordable tax-paying housing. 

If a tenant has a temporary problem, we try to work things out, as stability is in everyone’s interest. It is only when there is damage and abuse to the property, and/or many months of nonpayment, that eviction is considered. For good reasons, it is not easy to accomplish. 

Whether housing is a right or not (and who would pay for it) is beyond my letter. But I do know that this kind of research on the effects of eviction usually comes with recommendations that do not consider the investment and effort required to provide market-based housing in the first place. The unintended consequences have previously been experienced in many cities, 40 to 50 years ago.

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